RESIDENTS of Al Tadamon are proud of their role in Tunisia’s revolution. It was in this low-rise slum district on the western fringes of the capital, Tunis, that youths fought most determinedly with police ten months ago, speeding the end of 50 years of one-party rule and launching a region-wide wave of uprisings. Not surprisingly, the turnout here for Tunisia’s first-ever free elections on October 23rd was massive, the mood buoyant. Voters queued for hours at a local school-turned-polling-station to choose from a bewildering array of 97 different lists of candidates. Many brought their children along, or lingered after voting to chat with friends.
Muhammad Ben Chebbi stood in the school courtyard, dressed in a training suit and holding his nine-year-old daughter’s hand. As an army officer he was not allowed to vote, but showed up anyway to enjoy the spectacle. Like many others here he supports Ennahda, the well-organised Islamist party which was banned under the previous regime. More than the party’s mildly religious leanings, Ennahda’s attraction lies in its reputation for honesty. “I trust them not to steal,” he says. “For me, that counts more than all the other parties’ promises.”
The final results will not be known before Tuesday, but early estimates suggest an impressive showing for the Islamists. Opinion polls had put Ennahda’s share at 25%-30%, but in many districts, including ones assigned to Tunisians living abroad, the party appeared poised to capture outright majorities. A half-dozen secular parties, nearly all championing progressive social policies, vied for smaller shares, with none expected to capture more than 15% nationwide. Local lists of independents appeared to be doing well in some districts.
Authorities estimate turnout among eligible voters at above 60%. Despite technical glitches, despite lingering questions about the precise mandate of the constitutional assembly they have elected, and despite the misgivings of liberals over the strong Islamist showing, the civility and enthusiasm of Tunisia’s voters seems to augure well for democracy there. This should prove heartening to other Arab countries infected by this year’s raging anti-authoritarian virus. Most of them have, so far, suffered far more severe symptoms, from Libya’s civil war to the vicious oppression seen in Syria and Yemen, to the acrimonious muddle of Egypt. In all cases, the result has been to delay the transition to elected governments: Egypt’s ruling army generals, for instance, look unlikely to leave power for another year or more.
When Tunisia’s new assembly convenes in a few days, it will in theory be tasked not only with drafting a permanent constitution, but with appointing a government to replace the current, temporary cabinet. Ennahda will be the largest party, but has vowed to cooperate with its rivals, and professes a form of Islamism far less intrusive than, for example, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. The assembly is likely to be fractious, and the fact that it will, in effect, wield both legislative and executive powers until the new constitution comes into force is a cause for concern. Still, most Tunisians seem delighted with the outcome, so far.